HISTORICAL
DEVELOPMENT OF ETHNICITY IN NIGERIA
The
ethnicity of Nigeria is so varied that there is no definition of a Nigerian
beyond that of someone who lives within the borders of the country (Ukpo, p.
19). The boundaries of the formerly English colony were drawn to serve
commercial interests, largely without regard for the territorial claims of the
indigenous peoples (38). As a result, about three hundred ethnic groups comprise
the population of Nigeria (7), and the country's unity has been consistently
under siege: eight attempts at secession threatened national unity between 1914
and 1977. The Biafran War
was the last of the secessionist movements within this period (3).
The
concept of ethnicity requires definition. Ukpo calls an "ethnic
group" a "group of people having a common language and cultural
values" (10). These common factors are emphasized by frequent interaction
between the people in the group. In Nigeria, the ethnic groups are occasionally
fusions created by intermarriage, intermingling and/or assimilation. In such
fusions, the groups of which they are composed maintain a limited individual identity.
The groups are thus composed of smaller groups, but there is as much difference
between even the small groups; as Chief Obafemi Awolowo put it, as much
"as there is between Germans, English, Russians and Turks" (11).
The
count of three hundred ethnic groups cited above overwhelmingly enumerates
ethnic minority groups, those which do not comprise a majority in the region in
which they live. These groups usually do not have a political voice, nor do
they have access to resources or the technology needed to develop and modernize
economically. They therefore often consider themselves discriminated against,
neglected, or oppressed. There are only three ethnic groups which have attained
"ethnic majority" status in their respective regions: the
Hausa-Fulani in the north, the Ibo
in the southeast, and the Yoruba (Soyinka's group) in the southwest (11, 21).
We
must be very careful to avoid the use of the term "tribe" to describe
these ethnic groups. "Tribe," Ukpo points out, is largely a racist
term. The Ibo and Hausa-Fulani of Nigeria are each made up of five to ten
million people, a figure comparable to the number of, say, Scots, Welsh,
Armenians, Serbs or Croats. Yet we do not refer to the latter groups as
"tribes." The term "tribe" is almost exclusively, and very
indifferently, applied to peoples of Native American or African origin. It is a
label which emerged with imperialism in its application to those who were
non-European and lived in a "colonial or semi-colonial dependency...in
Asia, Africa and Latin America" (14). As we are attempting to discard the
prejudices of imperialism it is in our best interests to discard the use of the
term "tribe" when referring to the ethnic groups of Nigeria.
With
that in mind, we should dabble in brief definitions of the major ethnic groups
of Nigeria. The majority groups, as stated above, are the Hausa-Fulani, Ibo and
Yoruba. The first, the Hausa-Fulani, are an example of a fused ethnic group, as
they are actually made up of two groups, not surprisingly called the Hausa and
the Fulani.
The
Hausa are themselves a fusion, a collection of Sudanese peoples that were
assimilated, long ago, into the population inhabiting what is now considered
Hausa land. They believe in the religion of Islam. Their origin is a matter of
dispute: legends trace them back to Canaan, Palestine, Libya, Mecca and
Baghdad, while ethnologists hold them to be from the Southern Sahara or the
Chad Basin. Once they arrived in Hausa land they became known for setting up
seven small states centered around "Birni," or walled cities. In
these states the Hausa developed techniques of efficient government, including
a carefully organized fiscal system and a highly learned judiciary, that gave
them a reputation of integrity and ability in administering Islamic law (20).
The
Fulani are also Muslims, and, like the Hausa, their origin is more or less an
open question. Once a nomadic people, they believe themselves to be descended
from the gypsies, Roman soldiers who became lost in the desert, a lost
"tribe" of Israel, or other groups such as the relatives of the
Britons or the Tuaregs, who inhabit the southern edge of the Sahara in central
Africa. Scholars claim that the Fulani are related to the Phoenicians, or place
their origin in shepherds of Mauritania that were looking for new pastures.
Whatever their origin, the Fulani are known to have arrived in the Hausa states
in the early 13th century. Since then they have intermarried with the Hausa,
and have mostly adopted the latter's customs and language, although some Fulani
decided to stay "pure" by retaining a nomadic life and animist
beliefs. The Fulani are most distinctively known for a dispute that developed
between them and the local King of Gobir, a spat which developed into a
religious war or Jihad ending with a Fulani conquest of the Hausa states
(20-21).
The
second majority ethnic group is the Ibo, who like the Hausa-Fulani are a
synthesis of smaller ethnic groups. In this case the smaller groups are the
Onitsha Ibo, the Western Ibo, the Cross River Ibo, and the North-eastern Ibo.
Their origins are completely unknown, as they claim to be from about nineteen
different places. They do maintain an "indigenous home," however: the
belt of forest in the country to the east of the Niger Valley. This home was
established to avoid the Fulani's annual slave raids, which were conducted on
cavalry that was unable to explore very deeply in the forest. The Ibo thus
generally inhabited inaccessible areas, although during the 19th century they
began to assert ancestral claims to Nri town, "the heart of the Ibo
nationality" (32).
The
Ibo established a society that was fascinating in its decentralization. Their
largest societal unit was the village, where each extended family managed its
own affairs without being dictated to by any higher authority. Where chiefs
existed they held very restricted political power, and only local jurisdiction.
The villages were democratic in nature, as the government of the community was
the concern of all who lived in it.
The
third ethnic majority group, the Yoruba,
is like the others made up of numerous smaller collections of people. Those who
are identified as Yoruba consider themselves to be members of the Oyo, Egba,
Ijebu, Ife, Ilesha, Ekiti or Owu peoples. The Yoruba are united, however, by
their common belief in the town of Ife as their place of origin, and the Oni of
Ife as their spiritual leader. Their mythology holds that "Oduduwa"
created the earth; present royal houses of the Yoruba kingdoms trace their
ancestry back to "Oduduwa," while members of the Yoruba people
maintain that they are descended from his sons. Yoruba society is organized
into kingdoms, the greatest of which was called Oyo and extended as far as
Ghana in the west and the banks of the Niger to the east. The Oyo empire
collapsed in 1830 when Afonja, an ambitious governor of the state of Ilorin,
broke away but lost his territory to the hired mercenaries of the Fulani.
Despite the fact that this event occurred in close temporal proximity to the
Fulani Jihad, it was not associated with it (29-30).
These
three groups comprise only fifty-seven percent of the population of Nigeria.
The remainder of the people are members of the ethnic minority groups, which
include such peoples as the Kanuri, the Nupe, and the Tiv in the north, the
Efik/Ibibio, the Ejaw, and the Ekoi in the east, and the Edo and Urhobo/Isoko
to the west, along with hundreds of other groups that differ widely in
language, culture and even physique. The specific groups mentioned above are
distinct in that they were found, in the 1953 census, to have over one hundred
thousand members. As the population of Nigeria has doubled to over
seventy-eight million people in 1982 from approximately thirty-one million in
1953, it is safe to assume that these groups are now much larger (24, AHD p.
1509).
We
close with a comparison that attempts to portray the difficulties of successfully
governing such an incredible variety of people. Nigeria is an area the size of
the state of Texas in which over three hundred different languages are spoken,
and in which the same number of separate cultures desperately try to retain
their identity. You can only imagine the ensuing chaos.
A
fifth group, the Ijaw, has been growing in population and influence and
currently makes up another 10 percent.
Hausa-Fulani
Muslim Hausa and Fulani are the predominant ethnic groups in Nigeria’s northern
region. Though the groups originated in different parts of West Africa,
religion, intermarriage and adoption of the Hausa language by the Fulani have
unified the groups over time. In contemporary Nigerian society, they are often
referred to collectively as Hausa-Fulani.
The
largest of the major ethnic groups, Hausa and Fulani have been politically
dominant since Nigeria’s independence from Britain in 1960.
Islam
is a key component of their ethnic identity and continues to inform their role
in modern Nigerian society and politics. Their culture is deeply patriarchal
and patrilineal.
In
recent years, Hausa and Fulani were instrumental in adopting and upholding
Sharia, a system of Islamic law, in 11 of the country’s northern states.
Igbo
The Igbo, the main ethnic group in southeastern Nigeria, has represented some
of the staunchest opponents of Sharia law. In many northern Hausa-Fulani-dominated
states, minority populations of Igbo claim to have been unfairly targeted by
laws that do not pertain to their faith.
Unlike
neighboring Hausa and Yoruba cultures, Igbo society was traditionally
decentralized and non-hierarchical. This made its members easier converts for
European missionaries and today most Igbo are Christian.
Under
British colonial rule, many Igbo served in government and military roles and
were later key players in Nigerian independence. But over the last few decades
the group has become less politically dominant.
Discovery
of large oil reserves near Igbo land in the early 1960s and proposed
redistricting led many in the group to fear that they would be cut out of
revenues from the country’s natural resources.
In
1967, an Igbo secessionist movement in Biafra state led to a 30-month war with
the Nigerian government, in which hundreds of thousands of Igbo starved to
death.
After
the war, Igbo were reintegrated into Nigerian society, but in a more
marginalized role. Despite lingering ethnic tension, they now play an important
part in southeastern Nigeria’s oil trade. In recent elections, however, they
have struggled to coalesce around a single candidate for the presidency.
Yoruba
The Yoruba are one of Nigeria’s most urban ethnic groups. Historically, their
culture centered on densely populated city-states each controlled by an oba, or
king. Yoruba now form the majority in Lagos, the second most populous city in
Africa.
In modern day Nigeria, Yoruba speakers do not always identify with their larger
ethnic group, but rather the many smaller Yoruba-speaking communities.
This
pluralism extends to Yoruba views of religion. As Islam and Christianity spread
to Yoruba land over the past few centuries, the group embraced both faiths
alongside its many traditional and animist beliefs. This blend and acceptance
of religion survives in modern times and has mitigated some religious conflict
in places where Yoruba form the majority.
Like
the Igbo, Yoruba held important roles in the British colonial government,
participating significantly in both political and economic life. Since
independence, the group has been overshadowed by the more numerous and dominant
Hausa-Fulani.
However,
in 1999 a Christian Yoruba named Olusegun Obasanjo became Nigeria’s president
and first elected head of state. He was reelected for a second term in 2003.
Ijaw
In recent years, the Ijaw have agitated for more political franchise in
Nigeria. Although they are the fifth largest ethnic group in the country, their
traditional lands in the Niger River Delta are some of the country’s most
oil-rich.
Oil
exploration has had devastating consequences on Ijaw territory and subjected
the group to numerous ecological hazards. Mismanagement of oil revenues has
kept much of the wealth from returning to Ijaw communities.
In
January 2006, the Ijaw militia Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta
kidnapped four Royal Dutch Shell employees in the Niger Delta region, demanding
the release of an Ijaw militia leader who was arrested by Nigerian authorities.
His continued detention has caused members of MEND to swear continued attacks
and disruptions to the oil industry.
Despite
these ongoing tensions, 2007 could see an Ijaw take a major political office
for the first time. Goodluck Jonathan, an Ijaw, is running as a vice
presidential candidate for Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’adua, one of the
front-runners.
Ethnic tensions
The
Nigerian government has worked out tentative power-sharing arrangements to help
ensure that its many ethnic groups have some say in how the country’s natural
resource wealth is spent. But major questions about ethnicity and how to
balance the many competing interests still dog the society.
Cities
remain largely segregated along ethno-religious lines, and confrontation
between ethnic groups is common. Often, ethnic clashes in one part of the
country can set off a chain of reprisal riots and attacks in other parts of the
country.
All
major ethnic groups have formed militias to protect their own interests and
perpetrate violence on other groups. While illegal, these vigilante groups
continue to act with impunity for lack of stringent law enforcement.
Reference
Hodgkin, Thomas.
Nigerian Perspectives: An Historical Anthology. London: University Press, 1960.
Meek, C. K.
The Northern Tribes of Nigeria. London: Oxford University Press, 1925.
Okpu, Ugbana.
Ethnic Minority Problems in Nigerian Politics: 1960-1965. Stockholm: LiberTryck AB, 1977.
The American Heritage Dictionary, Second College Edition. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1982.
http://www.postcolonialweb.org/nigeria/ethnicity.html
https://www.pbs.org/newshour/arts/africa-jan-june07-ethnic_04-05
